Jerome Hart was publisher of the "Argonaut," the famed San Francisco weekly newspaper founded by Frank Pixley and Fred M. Somers. Pixley edited the newspaper until 1891 when Hart took over editorial responsibilities. Hart was about 23-years-old when
Denis Kearney formed the Workingman's Party of California in 1877. Hart was in the
National Guard of California at the time, and saw duty during the anti-Chinese riots that year. Hart, in this excerpt from his 1931 book "In Our Second Century," gives a good description
of the social conditions that led to the formation of the party, but curiously does not mention that the chairman of the 1877 Committee of Safety was William Tell Coleman,
founder and head of the 1856 Committee of Vigilance.
THE SAND LOT AND KEARNEYISM
by Jerome A. Hart
The financial and commercial disturbance caused by the Bank of California's closing made
labor conditions worse. There had been much unrest on account of the overplus of Chinese
thrown on the labor market when the trans-continental railway was completed. This was
aggravated by the continual arrival of thousands of Chinese laborers by trans-Pacific
steamers. The unrest caused among white laborers by the presence of these alien thousands
caused clever leaders some called them demagogues to use the Chinese labor question
as a stepping-stone to power. The most prominent among these were Denis
Kearney and Isaac Kalloch both orators.
There was much unemployment in 1876, 1877, and later, most of which was attributed by
the California workingmen to the presence of Chinese laborers. During the three years
1876, 1877, 1878, there was not only unemployment but also destitution in San Francisco.
The benevolent associations and the churches were feeding some thousands of persons
daily. This had never before been known in California.
In the midsummer of 1877, a group of San Francisco working-men called a mass-meeting to discuss their grievances. The date set was July 2l. This movement was a
reflex of that in the Eastern States where, on July 16, 1877, the strike begun on the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was followed by rioting in Pittsburgh, Albany, Chicago, St.
Louis, and other places. The rioting in Pittsburgh was particularly bloody. These facts are
elsewhere set forth in these pages.
The disturbed labor conditions throughout the Pacific Coast, felt most acutely in San
Francisco, caused the Western workmen, particularly the unemployed, to follow the
Eastern troubles with keen attention. Therefore, when their leaders issued this call for a
mass-meeting in San Francisco while rioting was still going on in the East, it caused
grave apprehension in official and employing circles in the chief city of the Coast. The
meeting took place in a large vacant space next to the City Hall usually called "The Sand
Lot." [In the area of Grove and Larkin streets.] Fearing trouble, the entire police force was
on duty, and the National Guard, while not ordered out on the streets, assembled at their
armories. This meeting was presided over by James F. D'Arcy, organizer of the Chicago "Workingmen's Party of the United States." Resolutions were passed sympathizing with the
Eastern rioters; declaring that all railroad property in the disturbed districts should be
condemned to public use; declaring that subsidies to transportation lines should be
abolished; demanding an eight-hour law; denouncing the employment of the
military against strikes. The centre of the meeting was orderly enough, but the many
thousands present could not hear or participate in the business transacted on the platform.
On the outskirts of the meeting, various agitators stirred up the crowd to riot, and mobs
began wrecking the Chinese laundries. They were combated by the police and a citizens'
"Committee of Safety." This anti-Chinese mob rioted for three nights, destroying
many Chinese wash-houses. Several persons were killed in these encounters. The
mob also attacked the wharves of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, that company
being held responsible for the transportation of the Chinese to California. The mob set out
to burn the steamships, but did not succeed; it then satisfied its destructive spirit by burning
some lumber-yards and hay-barns which were adjacent to the Pacific Mail
wharves. In Oakland, across the Bay from San Francisco, a mob of several thousand men
threatened to destroy the large railroad yards there, but did not accomplish their purpose. At
the end of three days there were 4000 men enrolled on the side of the law, and the rioting in
San Francisco ceased.
The apprehension of the officials and the employing classes showed the workingmen their
power. They therefore determined to organize a Pacific Coast Union. On August 18, Denis
Kearney issued a call for a meeting on August 22; it met, organized under the name of
"The Workingmen's Trade and Labor Union," and elected J. G. Day President and
Kearney Secretary. Throughout California, at Sacramento, the capital city and other interior
cities, workingmen's unions were organized on similar lines. The San Francisco Union on
September 12, formally condemned the existing political parties, and changed its name to
"The Workingmen's Party of California." It declared for a reduction in the hours of labor;
the establishment of a bureau of labor; strict accountability of office-holders;
reduction of official salaries to the rates paid for skilled labor; abolition of the national
banks; property to be assessed at its full value; the abrogation of the Burlingame treaty
with China; and various other advanced measures. This was the beginning of a movement
destined profoundly to affect the government of the State.
The Sunday following this meeting, there began at the Sand Lot a regular series of Sunday
meetings. As Monday is usually a dull day for news, the rival San Francisco newspapers
featured these meetings and gave them a great deal of space. Between the Sunday meetings
a special meeting took place at Union Hall to consider the relief of the unemployed. The
Democratic Party in California had become much perturbed over the political tinge given to
these meetings; it was the belief of politicians that the Workingmen had very largely voted
with the Democratic Party, which now seemed in danger of losing their votes. It was
thought best by the Democratic leaders to propitiate the leaders of the new party. Therefore
Philip Roach, State Senator, editor of the Examiner (then a Democratic evening daily), and
known generally as a "Bourbon war-horse," addressed the Union Hall meeting. Senator
Roach spoke along conservative lines, as the Democratic Party was then conservative he
mildly opposed Chinese immigration, advocated legislation to help the unemployed and the
poor, and vigorously denounced political corruption. He was followed by Denis Kearney,
who began by yelling " The Chinese must go!" This was vociferously applauded. Kearney
proceeded to give needed fire to Senator Roach's tepid address by urging every
workingman present to buy a rifle, and further recommended that all capitalists should be
hanged. Before Kearney had finished, the conservative Senator Roach fled in terror from
The forebodings of the Democratic leaders came true. As the Workingmen's Party
increased in numbers and in power, the Democratic Party in California dwindled. Although
hitherto powerful in California politics, it never regained its old status. Twice only
thereafter in California in the next half century did the Democratic Party carry the State in a
Presidential election once the Winfield Scott Hancock ticket was carried on a divided
electoral ballot by a minute plurality of 128; later, the Woodrow Wilson ticket was carried
by the new women voters of California, who voted for Wilson because he "had kept us out
At the next regular Sand Lot meeting Kearney announced that "bullets would replace
ballots" if the condition of the laboring classes were not improved; he further threatened
that San Francisco would meet the fate of "burning Moscow" if the capitalists were not
driven out. J. G. Day attempted to check the utterance of such sentiments, but he was
yelled down, resigned, and withdrew from the meeting. Kearney was elected President to
succeed him, and H. L. Knight Secretary. A permanent organization was effected, and a
long and radical platform adopted. It proposed to "unite the poor and the workingmen into
one political party"; to "defend themselves against capitalists;" to "wrest the government
from the rich and restore it to the people;" to "rid the country of cheap Chinese labor by any
means to destroy land monopoly;" to "tax the rich so as to make great wealth impossible;"
to "elect only workingmen to office."
Workingmen's Clubs were formed all over San Francisco and in other California cities.
Kearney spoke regularly, and daily denounced the "shoddy aristocrats" and "thieving
millionaires." He repeatedly said from the platform "Judge Lynch is the only judge we
want," and advised his hearers to buy rifles and ammunition.
On October 29, 1877, a sensational meeting was held on Nob Hill, as the highest point of
California Street hill is called. This magnificent view-point had been chosen by the
railroad magnates as a home site. There Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, and Mark
Hopkins, three of the builders, had erected large and luxurious residences. Another
handsome house was that of General D. D. Colton, a high railroad official; after his death
his house was purchased by C. P. Huntington, another one of the Big Four. Some time
after, A. N. Towne, another high official, built a house across the street from Colton's.
About sixty feet of the crest of Nob Hill had been cut off, and a plateau leveled for
buildings. There was much open ground, and Kearney determined to call a night meeting
on Nob Hill instead of at the Sand Lot. There, in the midst of the millionaires' palaces, he
advised his followers to defy the rich. Several thousand responded to his call. From an
improvised platform, with great bonfires blazing and lighting up the dark, the agitator
thundered forth his philippics against the rich. It was here that he threatened to "lynch
railroad magnates, thieving millionaires, and scoundrelly officials." He declared that
stenographers were among his hearers, surreptitiously taking notes preparatory to indicting
him. He defied the Grand Jury to indict him, and threatened that if he were jailed his
followers would "destroy all the rich hell-hounds in California." This Nob Hill
speech and his preceding utterances caused such disquiet that on November 3, 1877, at a
meeting in Kearny Street he was arrested and jailed by the police for incendiary language
and inciting to riot. At a meeting the following day, November 4, two other Workingmen's
agitators, H. L. Knight and J. G. Day, were also arrested and jailed.
The San Francisco supervisors met and passed an ordinance against incendiary speech,
entitled after its author "The Gibbs gag law." Kearney protested to the Mayor that he had
been incorrectly reported in the newspapers, and promised to mend his ways. Thereupon
the charge against him was dismissed, and he and the other two agitators, after a fortnight's
imprisonment, were freed.
Kearney's imprisonment had excited sympathy among the Workingmen, and on
Thanksgiving Day a procession in his honor marched through the city, terminating at the
Sand Lot, where speeches of the same threatening character were delivered; this parade
numbered some seven thousand.
Immediately thereafter, Kearney, accompanied by Knight, set out to organize his party in
the interior cities. He spoke to large gatherings, which applauded his denunciations of the
rich and the office-holders. From the largest of these interior cities Oakland the
Workingmen sent a petition to the President and the Congress of the United States urging
the abrogation of the Burlingame treaty with China. It was not heeded. On January 3,
1878, Kearney headed a procession of fifteen hundred unemployed men to the Mayor's
office in the City Hall, demanding "work or bread." As a result the Legislature at
Sacramento passed a bill authorizing San Francisco to employ 2000 laborers for three
months, but the Supervisors paid no attention to the bill. In a speech thereafter Kearney
said: "If the Legislature overstep decency, then hemp is the battle-cry." He also
advocated blowing up the Pacific Mail Company's docks, and urged his followers to bring
guns to the Sand Lot and form military companies. Two such companies were formed, but
weapons were not procurable.
The authorities again took steps to repress the agitators; on January 16, 1878, Kearney and
Knight were again jailed, the National Guard was called out, and protection was given to
the Pacific Mail docks. The Legislature, then in session at Sacramento, was appealed to,
and passed an act authorizing the dispersal of riotous assemblages and the arrest of
January 21, Kearney and Knight were acquitted on the charge of inciting a riot, and
released on bail on the other charges.
January 21, a Workingmen's convention was held, which bitterly denounced the recent act
of the Legislature. That body, alarmed by the fact that Alameda County had just elected a
Workingmen's Party Senator to fill a vacancy, side-stepped; and a committee reported that
the Workingmen's Party had nothing do with the rioting, and that they were justified in
opposing Chinese immigration. The legislators had reason for their alarm, politically
speaking; at this election the Workingmen stood at the head of the poll, the Republicans
were a bad second, and the Democrats stood at the tail, with only a few hundred votes,
where before they had polled thousands. At the municipal elections in various cities of the
State the Workingmen elected their candidates. The two old parties were forced to admit
that a new political power had appeared.
After speaking in various interior cities, where he organized the Workingmen's Party,
Kearney left for the East, to continue his propaganda. He returned in time to enter the fight
for a new Constitution in California.
The need for a new organic law had been discussed for some years, and the movement
crystallized in 1878. The two old parties feared the new organization, and in April
endeavored to get the Workingmen's Party to join the Republicans and Democrats in a
non-partisan organization to elect delegates to a Constitutional Convention.
After much complex negotiation, which resulted in fusion, withdrawal, and confusion, the
election took place in June. There were 152 delegates; the Workingmen carried San
Francisco with 50 delegates; the Non-Partisans carried the State with 85 delegates;
the straight Republicans elected nine delegates; the straight Democrats, eight.
The Chronicle was the only newspaper in San Francisco which backed up the
Workingmen's Party and supported the New Constitution. The new organic law was
defeated in San Francisco by a majority of 1592 out of 38,034. The State, however, gave
it a majority of 10,820 out of 145,088 votes. The New Constitution went into effect July 4,
After the Convention election the Chronicle under Charles De Young quarreled with
Kearney and his Workingmen's Party.
Kearney thereafter bitterly denounced De Young and his paper, and dubbed the Chronicle
party "The Honorable Bilks." The Chronicle attempted to show that the Workingmen's
Party had not carried the Convention election. Perhaps they had not the mix-up of
new and old parties was so great that it was difficult to tell. But the Workingmen's Party
certainly succeeded in electing candidates to other positions. There was a general election in
September, at which the Republicans elected the Governor, George C. Perkins, and most
of the State officials, together with the Congressional delegation. The Workingmen's Party
elected the Chief Justice and the Supreme Bench with the exception of one justice. The
Workingmen elected two Railroad Commissioners to one Republican. They also elected
quite a minority of the State Legislators. On the ballots of all the parties at this election
appeared the words "Against Chinese." In San Francisco 40,030 votes were polled against
Chinese immigration, 229 votes in favor. The Republicans in San Francisco elected five
Superior Judges, the Workingmen twelve. Isaac S. Kalloch was elected Mayor by the
Workingmen by a plurality of 1528.
The Argonaut vigorously opposed the New Constitution, and, its opponents were all
somewhat chagrined when it passed by a fair majority in the State, although defeated in
San Francisco. The defeated party first attacked the delegates to the Convention; then, when
the Constitution was completed and submitted to the people for sixty days, the opponents
attacked the document itself. However, while there were many noisy radicals among the
delegates, there were also many men of high standing. The President was J. P. Hoge, San
Francisco, a leading lawyer; S. G. Hilborn, Vallejo, sometime Congressman; Abraham
Clark Freeman, Sacramento, lawyer, author of "Freeman on Judgments," a legal classic;
Clitus Barbour, San Francisco, lawyer; C. F. Reed, a West Pointer, Yolo, farmer; J. G.
McCallum: Oakland, lawyer; Henry Larkin, El Dorado; A. P. Overton, Santa Rosa,
lawyer, judge, banker; Hugh M. La Rue, Sacramento, farmer; M. M. Estee, San Francisco,
lawyer; J. J. Ayres, Los Angeles, editor; I. S. Belcher, Marysville, lawyer, judge; W. H. L.
Barnes, San Francisco, lawyer; Patrick Reddy, Inyo, lawyer; Alexander Campbell,
Oakland, lawyer; J. M'M. Shafter, San Francisco, lawyer; Eugene Casserly, San Francisco,
lawyer, United States Senator; D[avid]. S. Terry, Stockton, lawyer, supreme judge; Henry
Edgerton, Sacramento, lawyer; J. West Martin, Oakland, banker, farmer, University
regent; John S. Hager, San Francisco, lawyer, judge; S. M. Wilson, San Francisco, lawyer.
This score of names selected from the list of delegates were among the most prominent
men in California.
As for the New Constitution itself, those who opposed it predicted that it spelled ruin
for the State. It had many faults, and it has been amended and re-amended, and the
courts have construed it over and over again. Yet the State has lived under it for half a
century, and not only has not faced ruin, but has increased so vastly in wealth, population,
and power that it is a phenomenon even among the forty-eight States of This our
phenomenal Republic. Perhaps the California Constitution of 1879 was not so bad as its
The threatening aspect of the anti-Chinese mobs in San Francisco in 1877 resulted
in calling out a portion of the National Guard, although not at the beginning of the
In the late seventies there were many " militia " companies, so-called, in California, and
they were particularly numerous in San Francisco. The members of the American
companies disliked the term "militia," and called themselves "National Guardsmen." At
that period in San Francisco the marching spirit was stronger than it is now; elderly citizens
of wealth and prominence were often to be seen parading in the plumes and gold lace of the
Knights Templar. Young men of well-known families were very generally
members of the National Guard. There were at that time in San Francisco three "crack
companies" of the First Regiment N.G.C., the National Guard (Company C), the City
Guard (Company G), and the Sumner Guard (Company E). At that time all the companies
bore names as well as numbers. The National Guard (Company C) at that time was
commanded by Captain Benjamin Pratt; the City Guard by Captain George W. Granniss;
the Sumner Guard by Captain Oscar Woodhams. I was a member of the Sumner Guard,
with the rank, perquisites, and emoluments of corporal. Captain Granniss of the City
Guard was promoted to the Governor's staff with rank of Colonel; Charles Fred Crocker,
Second Lieutenant, was also promoted to the Governor's staff with rank of Lieutenant-
Colonel; he was succeeded by Lee W. Mix, who subsequently became Captain.
In 1880, Company G encamped near the Hotel del Monte [near Monterey]. I was there
that year (it was the hotel opening), and remember that Joseph Strong was making studies
for a large painting of the camp, with Mr. and Mrs. Charles Crocker, Colonel C. Fred
Crocker, Captain Alix, and many others on the canvas, including several members of the
Bohemian Club. Some of the portraits were excellent.
The painting in 1927 was in the possession of Captain Lee W. Mix, at Burlingame,
The Sumner Guard had been organized in 1861, at the outbreak of the Civil War. It took
its duties seriously. It wore the regulation United States uniform; in this it was almost
alone, as most of the companies wore "fancy" uniforms. Thus, one company of the First
Regiment wore a uniform modeled on that of the West Point cadets. But this was
conservative compared to some there were "Zou Zous," Grenadiers, Hussars, and other
The N.G.C. at that time included two regiments of infantry, a battalion of cavalry, and a "
First Infantry Irish battalion." Shortly before I joined, the N.G.C. commander was Major-
General Lucian H. Allen, an Army veteran and a West Pointer. During the apogee
of my military career, however, the N.G.C. commander was General John Hewston, Jr.
My regimental commander was Colonel W. H. L. Barnes, later General. Still later, the
N.G.C. commander was General W. H. Dimond; and later still, General Walter Turnbull.
All of these commanding officers were Major-Generals; there seem to have been
I looked with respect on my company commander, with admiration on my colonel, and
with awe on my division commander. In the First Regiment, Barnes as Colonel was
almost a demi-god. Later, in the clubs, I came to know all these great men, so
intimately that they called me by my nickname. I found them quite human.
We of the N.G.C. in those days were highly differentiated. In our regiment there was an
"Irish battalion" composed of the Montgomery Guard, the Shields Guard, the Wolfe Tone
Guard, the Meagher Guard, the Emmet Life Guard, the Sarsfield Rifle Guard; the latter
was commanded by Captain C. C. O'Donnell, who subsequently ran for mayor many
times in San Francisco, at last being elected and counted out.
These Irish companies were uniformed variously, according to taste and fancy. The most
imposing uniform was that of the McMahon Grenadiers, an Independent Irish company.
These warriors wore a uniform akin to that of Napoleon's "Vieille Garde" their head-
piece was a bearskin shako about a foot and a half tall; this lid on top of a six-foot
man is-or was-calculated to terrify any enemy. It does not seem to have generally
survived, however; the only place I have seen it, of recent years, is in London, where it
decorates the crack corps. One may observe it here at the gateway of the 'Orse Guards and
other sacred portals. Passing slaveys gaze, goggle-eyed, petrified at these beautiful
soldiers; in fact, the London quotations for escorting servant-girls are eighteen pence
per hour for one of these magnificent guardsmen as against a shilling for an ordinary
Tommy. Compare the rates of the modern "gigolo" hired by rich American ladies abroad
as dancing partners.
In our cavalry battalions we had the First Light Dragoons, the San Francisco Hussars, and
the Jackson Dragoons. The three troops were differently uniformed, but what would you ?
One could not expect a dragoon to be attired like a hussar. The fair sex greatly admired the
hussar jackets. Envious foot-soldiers at times caused confusion in the cavalry ranks
by imitating familiar cries used by milk wagon and other commercial drivers. But this was
an unworthy jealousy.
Other companies of the First Regiment not yet mentioned were the State Guard, the San
Francisco Guard, the Light Guard, the Ellsworth Rifles, the California Tigers.
In the Second Regiment were the Union Guard, the Veteran Guard, the Franklin Light
Infantry, the Germania Rifles, the Excelsior Guard, the Eureka Guard, the San Francisco
Cadets. This latter company was commanded by Captain C. E. S. McDonald, who was a
famous drill-master; the cadets went through all manner of evolutions unknown to
Upton, closing their exhibition with a "silent drill," in which for a number of minutes they
maneuvered without orders like a smooth-running machine.
The Second Regiment in my time was commanded by Col. John McComb, later editor of
the Alta; its lieutenant-colonel was "Jack" Stratman, a well-known
character of old San Francisco.
To offset the Irish Battalion there were German companies, among them the Germania
Rifles, the German Rifle Corps, and the Schuetzen Verein, which was made up of
members of the military company.
There was an "Irish Republic Army" of two companies, which was independent. This was
a Fenian organization.
There was an Italian company (independent) called the Garibaldi Guard. They wore the
Italian Bersaglieri uniform with the drooping cock's feathers on the cap.
Last but not least there were two companies of colored soldiers, the Brannan Guards and
the Lincoln Zouaves. They were independent necessarily.
When the entire National Guard paraded on great days the effect of the diversity in
uniforms was indeed remarkable. Even then, young and artless, I thought it odd. Now it
suggests to me the Paris Bal des Quat-z-Arts the morning after.
During my term of service the Sumner Guard was twice called out on serious duty. The
first time was when a stubborn strike broke out among the miners in Amador County.
Troops were ordered thither by the governor. The First Regiment was asked to furnish
Volunteers, and the whole regiment volunteered. Finally, several companies were selected
to furnish battalions, the members of which were chosen by lot. In our company allotment
I was unfortunate enough not to win a place in this battalion of heroes. Oh, misery! Oh,
despair! Those of us who remained at home were sunk in gloom.
What the " Amador War," as it was called, soon palled upon our hero comrades. There
was no excitement. The weather was hot, the food was bad. The miners would not fight.
For lack of other fighting, the heroes fought bitterly among themselves. Their officers were
hated because they enforced strict discipline.
The Sumner battalion was commanded by first Lieutenant Edwards "Big Bill." He
strictly enforced the regulation that the men should salute their officers and keep their coats
buttoned while on sentry duty. In revenge, the men signed a round-robin requesting
his resignation when they were safely home. Edwards sent in his resignation to take
effect at the end of the month. Victory what ?
The weekly drill night came. The captain was absent. Lieutenant Edwards was there, but
not on duty; he was in the gallery, which was always well-filled with guardsmen watching
each other's drill. Second Lieutenant Tibbey was in command. He had never drilled the
company before. Besides, he was nervous, owing to the recent row, the round-
robin, the fact that Edwards was present, and that there were so many spectators in
the gallery. Therefore when he attempted a "company wheel" near the end of the drill-
hall he did not start it in time, so we all piled up in the corner in a disorderly heap.
There was much snickering in the gallery. Tibbey, his face scarlet, turned and saluted
Edwards, asking him to descend and take command. Edwards did so. " 'Tention,
company!" he barked, and we promptly straightened out. He then put us through a severe
drill lasting for nearly two hours. The news ran around that the Sumners were being hazed,
and the galleries became crowded with delighted warriors. Edwards made us perform
every evolution that was possible in a drill-hall. At the end he deployed us as
skirmishers in a lively skirmish drill, in which we had to rally repeatedly around our central
point at the double quick. When be suddenly barked "Break ranks!" and stalked out, we
were all in. It was a little hard on those who did not participate in the "Amador Mutiny,"
but probably it did us all good.
When the anti-Chinese riots began in July, 1877, the Sumners were ordered to report at
the armory. Presumably all the N.G.C. received similar orders. We duly reported, but
when we heard that we were detailed to "guard the armory," and were not to be allowed to
go out and fight, part of the company again became mutinous. They threatened that they
would go out and join the citizens' committee which was aiding the police. The officers at
once informed them that if they did not obey orders they would remain in the armory all
the same, but in the capacity of prisoners. It made some of the youths aware for the first
time that they were subject to military discipline. A similar shock was administered to
National Guardsmen some twoscore years later when President Wilson, under a new law,
ordered fifty or sixty thousand National Guardsmen to the Mexican frontier.
After the riots were over, the Sumner officers informed their men that the mob leaders had
been threatening to arm their followers with the rifles in the armories, hence the
precautions. The officers further informed their men that troops could not serve in civic
riots unless ordered out by the governor at the request of the city authorities, which request
had not been made.
Later, in the autumn of 1877, the troops were ordered out, but the exigency was not so
great as it had been, and my recollection is that patrol and guard duty was all we were
called on to perform.
It has always seemed odd to me that there should be a general disposition to sneer at the
National Guardsmen. They do a great deal of hard work, and they get no pay for it. They
are subject to be called on duty by the State, the city, and (under the Wilson law) by the
Federal Government. The duty they generally have to perform is not military but police
duty repressing mobs and fighting labor strikers a kind of service which even the
regular army men loathe. National Guardsmen also dislike it, but they do their duty when
called on. If a police officer is killed by a city mob his family can recover damages from
the city, and his widow gets a pension. But when a National Guardsman is killed in a riot
his family never recovers damages and his widow never gets a pension.
In Our Second Century : From an Editor's Note-book
San Francisco : The Pioneer press, 1931, pp. 52-63
Read Jerome Hart on the Kearney-Kalloch Epoch
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